2015 And EU Future Economic Predictions

arkmundi said:
The deciding factor in the Greek vote: AlJazeera, 9-July: Europe has lost the confidence of young people
Greece’s resounding “no” came down to demographics. Of the 63 percent of the population that voted, polling shows “yes” enjoyed a majority only among those 55 or older. Over 70 percent of voters 18 to 25 said “no.”
... and so did students — by an astounding 83 percent.
So its a generational shift as the young try to imagine a different future than the one they're inheriting.

A big factor is that youth unemployment.
 
Joseph C. said:
dnmun said:
i think the greek parliament may vote down the attempt the negotiators are making to finalize a deal. so sunday will be the end for greece. the greek parliament is now controlled by the communist bloc and they are determined to shove it in the european systems face because they are brainwashed into thinking the europeans are evil bankers sucking their blood:

The communist bloc? I think you have been watching too much Fox News. They have 15 seats in the Greek parliament and they are the opposition party - nothing to do with the Greek Government.

Syriza are barely centre left never mind far left. American politics ,where hard right parties like the Democrats are somehow viewed as left wing (when they would be classed as closer to far right in Europe) and the far right Republican party as centre right (most European nations would have no party that extreme perhaps France's Front National would be the closest), is clouding your perspective.

I'm fond of a bit of hyperbole myself, now and then, but claiming the fascist left (surely an oxymoron) and that Greek banks will never open again has to be among the most outlandish things ever committed to digital ink on this forum.

you seem to be totally clueless about economics in general and have this idealistic view that somehow the wrecking of the greek parliament is such a good thing. it was the fascist communist party of east germany that has totally solidified angela merkel's view of the communist syriza party and it's ability to hijack the greek elections back in the spring that led to this impasse.

i listened to an interview this evening with a greek guy who imports food into greece and he said that because of the bank crisis he had only been able to import about 3 weeks of food to sell and he was already making plans to leave greece at the end of the three weeks when the food he could sell ran out.

he did not wanna be in greece after there is no food and these kids go rioting all over the place burning down buildings and attacking all the people they see as agents of europe because they voted yes instead of no.

this self satisfied victory lap following the vote by the youth is gonna be the death knell of their society when they reject the plan put forward tomorrow.
 
and because of the cowardly behavior of tsipras in turning to this referendum which really means nothing to the people they owe money, the financial damage of closing the banks during this period will cost the european taxpayers tens of billions more euros to feed into the greek banking system to keep it afloat:

>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>> from the wsj

Greece may need more financing than IMF estimated
By Ian Talley
Published: July 10, 2015 2:36 a.m. ET

WASHINGTON--Greece may need even more debt relief and financing from its eurozone creditors than the International Monetary Fund estimated less than a week ago, the IMF's chief economist said Thursday in comments likely to further complicate the country's efforts to win a new emergency bailout.

In a report published last week, the fund said Greece would need more than EUR60 billion ($66 billion) in new aid to cover its growing budget shortfalls, as well as substantial debt relief through bond maturity extensions "at a minimum" to return the country to health.

But that review of Greece's debt was prepared before Greece's government called a surprise referendum challenging the creditors' bailout terms, a move that subsequently forced Athens to implement growth-suffocating capital controls. The country has just a few short days worth of cash to fund operations and capital controls are the only thing preventing a complete collapse of the financial system.

"We believe that current developments may well imply the need for even more financing, not least in support of the banks, and for even more debt relief than in our [debt report]," IMF Chief Economist Olivier Blanchard said in an IMF blog post defending the IMF's Greek-bailout history.

Mr. Blanchard's comments signal the IMF may think that write-downs may be required should Greece's economic woes worsen. That is a position at odds with Greece's biggest and most powerful creditor, Germany. Officials in Berlin have ruled out any write-downs of their holdings. They have said they are open to considering debt maturity extensions at the very end of bailout talks, but only if Greece proves its commitment to tough budget cuts and economic overhauls.

"The room for agreement is extremely narrow, and time is of the essence, " Mr. Blanchard said. "It should be based on a set of policies close to those discussed before the referendum, amended to take into account that the government is now requesting a 3-year program, and a more explicit recognition of the need for more financing and more debt relief," he said.

The eurozone also believes the IMF is too pessimistic in its assessment of Greece's situation, Mr. Blanchard said, a factor that reduces the amount of projected debt relief needed.

The IMF's evaluation on debt relief may embolden Athens to ask Germany for more on debt relief than Berlin is willing to give, potentially confounding already strained negotiations.

Greece late Thursday offered bailout terms that move closer to creditor demands on some of the most divisive issues.

But since the referendum, German officials have said Greece's offer must include more stringent budget cuts and policy overhauls than creditors' last proposal.

So it remains to be seen a deal can be secured at Sunday's emergency eurozone meetings, where officials and economists say a deal must be concluded to prevent a Greek exit from the eurozone.

The IMF's chief economist cautioned against Europe being overconfident about the fallout from a eurozone exit. Europe has built up its bailout funds since the last time Greece's potential euro exit pulled the region into a growth quagmire, depressed investment and sparked debt worries about some of its other weak economies. The European Central Bank has also proved to markets it is ready to use its substantial monetary arsenal to douse financial fires.

But, Mr. Blanchard said, "There should be no doubt that exit from the Euro would be extremely costly for Greece and its creditors."

Failure to reach a deal by Sunday would likely mean the ECB cuts its emergency funding for Greek banks Monday morning, says Jacob Kirkegaard, a senior fellow at the Peterson Institute for International Economics. That would push the country into a catastrophic recession, he said.

Write to Ian Talley at ian.talley@wsj.com
 
now anyone with any chance to leave is getting their cars packed and preparing to leave before the syriza party sends the kids back into the streets to burn down more banks and the poor people who work inside them.

>>>>>>>>>reuters

Passport applications spike in Athens suburbs that voted ‘yes’
By Ellie Ismailidou
Published: July 9, 2015 4:03 p.m. ET

Some of the wealthiest Greeks may be planning their personal exit strategy from the long-running Greek debt crisis.

The number of applications for passports with the National Hellenic Passport Center increased over 50% in the week after the referendum over the same time last year, according to Kathimerini, one of the biggest Greek newspapers.

The biggest increases were recorded in the northern and southern suburbs of Athens, Kathimerini noted, the same areas that voted overwhelmingly “yes” in the referendum on whether to accept creditors’ demands for further austerity measures in exchange for another Greek bailout, according to a breakdown of the vote by To Vima, another major Greek newspaper.

It’s unclear how many of those don’t want to stick around for the end of the country’s financial drama. Some passports could just be up for renewal — Greek passports are valid for five years — but others could want to ensure they have a document that allows them to live anywhere in the other 27 members of the European Union.

Greece is quickly running out of money and needs a fresh deal with its creditors before a 3.5-billion-euro ($3.8 billion) payment to the European Central Bank comes due July 20. If not, analysts warn it could be forced to leave the 19-member eurozone.

In the northern Athens suburb of Kifisia, passport applications soared 70%, Kathimerini reported. It’s the same place where 64% of voters said “yes” in Sunday’s referendum, one of the highest rates in the country, according to To Vima. The “yes” vote reached 70% in nearby town Filothei-Psichiko, another town in the area where passport applications are spiking.

Nationally, just 38.7% of voters sided with the “yes” camp. The “no” camp, which got 61.3% of all votes, was heavily supported by the 44% of the population that now finds itself living under the national poverty level of about 7,900 euros per person a year.

The towns where passport applications are jumping rank among Greece’s most expensive housing markets, according to a study by the University of Macedonia published in October 2014, which tracked average rent prices using online ads. And a 2012 report by the Ministry of Finance ranked postal codes in these towns among the 10 wealthiest, as measured by per-capita income based on tax returns.
 
http://trueeconomics.blogspot.ie/2015/07/10715-new-greek-proposals-can-foot-real.html

10/7/15: New Greek Proposals: Can + Foot ≠ Real Solution
Posted by Constantin Gurdgiev

Greek Government proposal to the EU on Bailout package 3.0 have been published here: http://www.naftemporiki.gr/finance/story/976680/the-greek-reform-proposals.

Quick read through suggests the following:

These proposals are pretty much in line with June 26th proposals that were subsequently rejected by the 'No' vote in the Greek referendum;
The 'new' proposals appear to be a complete climb down from the Greek Government counter-proposals on key areas of VAT, pensions and islands measures;
One key strategic point is that the new proposal accepts fully 'prior actions' principle of putting in place legislative backing for key early measures ahead of any bailout funds disbursal;

The 'new' proposals submitted to Institutions contain no reference to debt sustainability and debt relief, although it appears that a preamble to the document in Greek version does mention debt relief. There are reports also that Greek proposals sent to the Parliament contain reference to the EU commitment to 'negotiate with Greece on the issue of debt sustainability post-2022'. Which, if true, is a dead giveaway, as no one will honour any commitments on such a time scale and absent any specific conditions on debt sustainability. 2022 is the year chosen because it is when EFSF repayments start. Most expensive debt to carry for Greece - IMF and ECB - is off limits for any restructuring under this timeline;

Crucially, the new proposal does not address in full how Greek banks ELA will be covered, and how the arrears to IMF will be covered. Neither does it explain how July 2015 debt repayments will be financed. This, jointly, means that the EUR53.5 billion request for new loans is not sufficient. The Institutions, most likely, will ask for a deposits bail-in.

The only differences to the 'old' Institutions' proposals include: smaller cut in defence budget (EUR200mln instead of EUR400mln), slower phasing out of the islands reduced VAT rates (throughout 2016) and slower phasing out of the EKAS supplement on pensions.

Greek proposals contain a sub-clause of defined actions that will kick in automatically if fiscal targets are not met in the future. These include hikes on income tax for those earning EUR12,000 (2 percentage points to 35%).
Materially, the new 'proposal' involves EUR53.5 billion in new loans via ESM (ex-IMF): http://bigstory.ap.org/article/0743c14d12d34ea38d1043b5dbcdfba5/latest-eu-economics-chief-says-greece-deal-possible. IMF porgramme runs through April 2016 and, presumably, Bailout 3.0 is going to happen via ESM alone. Which is a net negative for Greece, since it will lose its only support on debt writedown side.

These are the details so far.

My view is that this proposal will probably be acceptable to the EU, which will close its eyes on two glaringly obvious things:
1. The proposal from the EU on which this current Greek counter proposal is based was based on assumptions and estimates that are at least 3 weeks old, and for some figures - older. Economic and fiscal losses since then have been significant and most likely remain un-covered by the current Greek proposal. These losses will not be terminated immediately post-agreement, so the Greeks have a much more serious problem on their hands.
2. Most importantly, the Greek proposal does nothing to address the existent debt overhang - the one that the IMF believes cannot be addressed via enhanced 'reforms' and increased 'austerity' and requires debt haircuts.

However, I suspect that since avoiding Grexit is now clearly Greek Government priority, and since doing the same always was and remains the EU priority, both sides will ignore the discomforts of reality. In this case, under the Bailout 3.0, Greek debt will rise (once again), Greek economy will get a negative shock of higher taxation (corporate, personal and indirect), and a large number of Greek voters will get a strong sense of having been cheated out of their 'No' votes. And then there is the risk of looming deposits bail-ins...

This can kicking will not last long...
 
http://www.davidmcwilliams.ie/2015/07/09/how-a-chinese-puzzle-could-enable-the-greeks-to-have-the-last-laugh

How a Chinese puzzle could enable the Greeks to have the last laugh

The other day Enda Kenny speculated aloud that Greece should follow Ireland. Michael Noonan thinks that too. Apparently, they should do what we did and, if Greece did, there’d be no problems.

Maybe we should examine this proposal because what is on the table for Greece right now makes little sense. Is there an alternative for an inventive Greece – one that might follow Ireland’s blueprint?

Before we answer that, let’s examine what’s on the table for Greece right now. The German/EU offer maintains that the price for staying in the Euro is possibly 10 to 15 years of austerity with no alternative industrial model. There should be no debt forgiveness and there should be years of low to zero growth as the Greeks grind out a meagre existence largely from tourist euros. Because there is no capital, this will occur at a time when Greek tourist assets will plummet and those that are worth something, such as tourist hotels, will be bought off by German and other investors for half nothing.

In time, the Greeks will end up as workers in the tourist industry, working for foreign owners of the assets. The profits from these assets will be repatriated back to Germany, boosting the German current account surplus, while the wages for this labour will be spent in Greece on imported goods, which may or may not be made in Germany. Basically Jamaica with ouzo!

Over time, the Greek standard of living will remain low and Greek people with talent will have no choice but to emigrate. There may be some pick-up in the economy but as long as there is huge debt-servicing costs, this pick-up will largely go to servicing past debts. If there is some new EU loan made available to Greece, this will simply be borrowing from tomorrow not to pay for today but to pay for yesterday.

The Greeks should do all this in order to have the privilege of paying for this stuff in the Euro. It seems a high price to pay for a currency, don’t you think?

But the alternative is, according to the EU, to revert to the drachma, watch the currency fall, watch the drachma value of Greece euro debts rise, allow the national balance sheet to implode and ensure that the banks collapse. In other words, flirt with short-term Armageddon.

All this would be for the privilege of using someone else’s currency.

But what if there is an alternative to the Euro? What if there is another option. What if the Greeks literally took the Irish example and went for it?

Think about it, what is the key difference between Ireland and Greece? The crucial difference is multinational investment. This is what makes Ireland tick. We are talking about someone else’s capital. Ireland has built an economy on using foreigners’ capital, manipulating our tax rates and creating a capital-intensive economy. This has propelled Irish living standards upwards.

This capital almost exclusively came from America.

Oh, and by the way, this industrial policy started in the late 1960s when we had a currency called the Irish pound. This was a pre-decimal currency, which dealt in half crowns and farthings. We abandoned this currency in the early 1970s for a decimal currency. Notes and coins were changed, denominations too. Both these currencies, the imperial and the decimal Irish pound, served us from Independence until 1979 and both Irish pounds were tied to Sterling.

Then we abandoned this currency and issued a new currency, the Irish punt, and linked it to a currency that most of us had never seen called the Deutschemark. This was the currency of a country the vast majority of us had never been to, one with which we did barely any trade with – apart from importing their cars. We pretended that the punt was a hard currency but in truth we couldn’t keep up with the Germans and we devalued six times. Then about 20 years later, we adopted another new currency, the Euro.

This means that Ireland used four different currencies in three decades! And all this time, what happened to American foreign investment? Did it fall as many people suggest in the face of currency instability? No, in fact precisely the opposite happened. American investment rose and rose.

During all these years, there was a very good reason for Ireland adopting the dollar as our currency but we didn’t. Had we asked the Americans, I’m sure they would have said yes because other countries using your currency is a real indication of your economic power. The Americans would have liked to project their power deep into the EU, who wouldn’t?

This is the Irish path – the path Enda Kenny would like Greece to follow.

Okay, but how can Greece get lots and lots of foreign investment into the country while still using a currency that is strong and in so doing, change irrevocably their economy?

How can they move onto a higher productivity level without all these debt repayments?

They can do it by adopting the Chinese Renminbi!

Yes, you read it right.

There’s no point for the Greeks in going back to the drachma if that will destroy its banking system.

Why not do what Ireland has done over the years and adopt some other country’s currency?

What’s in it for China? Everything!

The Chinese get a foothold into Europe. They invest billions into Greece, where they reassemble Chinese goods into Europe with no tariffs or hassle. They gradually move up the value curve, making ever more sophisticated goods in Greece – just as the Americans have done here.

They can even use the Greek tax system to reduce the taxes they have to pay, just like the Americans have done here. And, of course, it would be a massive diplomatic and geo-political coup for the Chinese.

Also, because the Greeks are allegedly Marxists and the Chinese are supposedly communist, they could brand this as a left of centre affair.

The Greeks would get a stable currency, lots of liquidity into their banking system and a currency backed by real economic logic. They would get industry and technology, so that the next generation of Greek kids could work in spotless hi-tech factories, exporting hi-tech consumer goods into Europe.

Oh yes, and lastly, who would lose most over a generation? Which European country has most to fear from its consumer goods being eviscerated by Chinese competition?

Why, Germany of course! Wouldn’t it be sweet revenge for Athens that, after being humiliated by the Germans, Greece would be the staging post for a commercial assault on Germany that would terrify the Bundestag?

Everything I have said above is doable, legal and possible within Greece’s membership of the EU.

After all, Sweden, the UK and Denmark don’t use the Euro and are in the EU, why not Greece?

I know this is mere conjecture at this stage. But if you push a country into a corner, it will do what it has to do to survive.

Economics is the art of the possible. It is about making a better future for your people and it is about doing business with whoever makes these objectives a reality.
 
So not the Drachma, but adopt another countries currency, like the US Dollar or Chinese Renminbi? Interesting, a Plan D. But the premise is still that Greece needs foreign investment. Its all still the growth model. Which, from the Climate catastrophe perspective is not sustainable. Naomi Klein - This Changes Everything. Greece has the opportunity granted once in a generation to re-construct their economy and make the attempt for sustainability, for a stead-state economy, one that does not grow.
Klein extensively quotes her interviews with Alexis Tsipras, leader of the Syriza party in Greece, which she calls “one of the few sources of hope in Europe.” [P. 466]
Yes, We Can Prosper Without Growth: 10 Policy Proposals for the New Left
[youtube]pNMAAT_AzzY[/youtube]
 
link to nyt: http://www.nytimes.com/2015/07/10/business/international/deal-or-no-deal-greece-faces-a-difficult-aftermath.html?emc=edit_dlbkam_20150710&nl=business&nlid=49600008


ATHENS — As Greece hurtles toward a Sunday deadline for either reaching a bailout deal or risking a hasty exit from the eurozone, the one certainty is that its economy is already on the brink of collapse.

Businesses and humanitarian organizations are warning that the social and commercial damage now evident could become deeper and longer lasting if Greece and its international creditors cannot finally come to terms on a new bailout package.

“Greece already has a humanitarian crisis, and we’ll have to prepare for a harder aftermath if a deal collapses,” Nikitas Kanakis, the president of the board of directors of the Athens chapter of Doctors of the World, a health care charity, said Wednesday. “I’m not sure how proud we should feel about letting social destruction return within Europe.”


Weighing the Fallout of a Greek Exit From the EuroJULY 9, 2015

Banks remain closed and the government has nearly run out of money. Though a glimmer of optimism for an accord emerged late Thursday, Greece has become isolated from the international economy — a big problem for a country that relies on imports for 65 percent of its goods.

Cargo containers of food, some medicines and other daily necessities are beginning to pile up on the docks at Piraeus, the international seaport outside Athens, because capital controls make it difficult or impossible to pay the shippers.

“We can’t do anything to prepare for a situation like this,” said Nikos Manisoitis, who runs Nikos Manisoitis & Son, a family-owned importer of spices and dried goods like pasta and pet food, which was founded in Piraeus 95 years ago by his grandfather.

“We feel like hostages,” he said. “We can’t move our money from the banks, and we fear that we are about to lose everything.”

Mr. Manisoitis, who is also president of a local business group, the Piraeus Traders Association, said that some importers at the port had boarded planes with up to 60,000 euros, or about $66,000, in cash for day trips to Britain, Germany or other European countries to pay their suppliers.

That has become necessary, he said, to sidestep the government-imposed capital controls that have been in place since June 28. While not restricting the physical flow of cash within the European Union, the controls have forbidden making electronic payments outside of Greece.

“We’re living like we did 60 years ago,” Mr. Manisoitis said, referring to the bleak years that followed World War II and the Greek civil war.

Even though Greece represents just 2 percent of the eurozone economy, the implications of a brick’s falling out of the euro currency union could be unpredictable, especially if it occurs at the same time as the steep decline in the Chinese stock market.

Five years of economic crisis have already taken their toll on Greece, hollowing out the solid middle class and causing tens of thousands of small and midsize businesses to close their doors.

Businesses are bewildered about how to prepare for a situation in which Greece has to start functioning on i.o.u.s or shift to its own currency.

That cascade of events could begin as soon as Monday if a bailout deal is not reached and the European Central Bank cuts off the emergency lifeline that has kept Greek banks alive in recent months.

On Wednesday, the Greek government announced that banks would remain closed through Friday. Many Greeks doubted that they would reopen on Monday, the day after European leaders are to decide whether to accede to Greece’s latest bailout request.

Christian Noyer, the governor of France’s central bank, said Wednesday that the European Central Bank would have to stop providing emergency lending to Greek banks unless there was an accord with creditors by Sunday.

“The Greek economy is on the verge of catastrophe,” Mr. Noyer, a member of the European Central Bank’s Governing Council, said on Europe 1 radio.

Also on Wednesday, Greece’s main business associations said that the capital controls were causing “economic suffocation,” and they warned of an “explosion of unemployment” if Prime Minister Alexis Tsipras and other European leaders could not reach a deal that would keep Greece in the currency union.

“The business community of Greece wishes for our country to remain a member of the eurozone,” members of the Hellenic Confederation of Commerce and Entrepreneurship wrote in an open letter on Wednesday.

Unemployment recently shot back above 26 percent, and youth joblessness exceeds 50 percent. The economy, which after a five-year recession edged back into growth last year, returned to a recession in the first quarter, when the Tsipras government came to power on a no-more-austerity platform.

Economists say that during the second quarter, as Greece conducted fruitless debt negotiations with its eurozone creditors and the International Monetary Fund, the economy almost certainly continued its contraction.

Even if a deal is struck at the last minute, economists say, the economy has been set back by at least a year.

And by some estimates, Mr. Tsipras’s call for last Sunday’s referendum may have doubled or tripled the cost of any new bailout. Once he broke off debt negotiations, the creditors allowed the country’s existing bailout program — which had provided for €240 billion in loans since 2010 — to expire.

Eurasia Group, a London-based analytical firm, estimates that any new aid package might cost about $20 billion to $30 billion more than what Greece might have been able to arrange by renegotiating under the previous bailout program.

On Wednesday, Greece applied for a new three-year loan from the eurozone bailout fund. Details were not made public, though analysts said the government most likely sought €50 billion or more. Whether Greece will receive that money depends on the make-or-break negotiations over the next few days.

The European Commission president, Jean-Claude Juncker, said late Tuesday, after frustrated negotiators set the Sunday deadline for Greece, that European officials were making contingency plans for a Greek departure from the eurozone — which might include “humanitarian aid.”

“It reminds me of war,” said Mr. Kanakis, of Doctors of the World. “Before the bombardment, they say, ‘Don’t worry, someone will come and help you.’ ”

He added, “This leaves a very bitter taste in my mouth because we are used to hearing ‘humanitarian help’ as an expression used for third-world countries, not members of the European Union.”

At the Piraeus port, which has operated as a main gateway to Greece and one of the Mediterranean’s major ports since ancient times, Mr. Manisoitis, the importer, said he feared for his family’s business. It survived World War II, the civil war and the military dictatorship. But he is not sure it could survive the country’s exit from the eurozone.

For more than a week, a 15-ton shipment of black pepper that Mr. Manisoitis had ordered has been sitting in a cargo container under the baking sun at Piraeus. Although his company has more than enough money in its Greek bank account to cover the €150,000 cost, capital controls are blocking him from sending payment to the supplier in Vietnam.

Even if capital controls were to be lifted next week, the pepper might rot by then, he said, so customs officers would prevent him from taking the cargo. Yet he would still have to pay for the spoiled goods.

“We’re losing sleep at night,” Mr. Manisoitis said. “We can’t get the goods. We can’t deliver goods to those who placed orders from us. And we are about to lose even more money.”

He is holding out hope that a Greek exit from the eurozone can be avoided.

But if a deal is not reached on Sunday, Mr. Manisoitis said, “I’m pretty sure Tsipras won’t have a single idea of what to do if we’re out of the euro.”
 
Tsipras rattled his sabre until it was blunt – and for what?


Five months of brinkmanship has caused untold damage to the Greek economy for no purpose whatsoever

Larry Elliott
Friday 10 July 2015 06.19 EDT Last modified on Friday 10 July 2015 07.00 EDT

Part tragedy. Part farce. No happy ending. The final stages of the Greek drama have begun.

The tragedy is that there is no end in sight to the suffering of the Greek people. They have seen their country’s economy shrink by 25% in five years and it was already back in recession when the banks closed their doors two weeks ago.

The damage caused by the rapid descent into a cashless, semi-barter economy will be profound and long-lasting. It would take months if not years to repair the damage even if pro-growth policies are pursued.

That, sadly, will not be the case. Greece now faces a fresh wave of austerity policies – increases in VAT, public sector wage cuts, less generous pensions – that will put the brake on activity. This approach has been tried repeatedly over the past five years and it has failed repeatedly. It will fail again.

Greece is like Sisyphus, the king of Corinth who according to legend angered the gods and was condemned to push an enormous rock to the top of a hill. When Sisyphus neared the summit, the boulder would slip from his grasp and tumble back down to the bottom of the slope, forcing him to start again.

Alexis Tsipras, too, has angered the gods, in this case the European commission, the European Central Bank, the International Monetary Fund and most of the 18 other countries that are members of the single currency. His punishment for his five-month show of defiance will be to have Greece’s boulder replaced by an even bigger one.

For this is where the tragedy turns to farce. The terms Tsipras is now willing to accept are actually more severe than the ones he rejected two weeks ago. This was the moment in Brussels when the Greek prime minister stunned the rest of Europe by putting the terms on offer to a referendum.

It looked a bold, even foolhardy move. The ECB capped its emergency support to Greece’s banks. Limits were put on cash withdrawals of €60 a day. As the economy came to a halt, every European leader warned that a no vote in the referendum rejecting the austerity package was effectively a vote to leave the single currency.

Yet, despite everything, Greece voted no by a landslide. Tsipras asked for a mandate and got it. But if he thought this would force the creditors to offer concessions, he was wrong. The choice faced by his government this week has been stark: surrender or leave the euro. He has chosen to hoist the white flag over the Parthenon.

Greeks will be asking today what has been the point of the last month of diplomatic theatre: the endless meetings, the violent rhetoric, the walkouts, and the calling of the referendum. The answer is less than nothing. Untold damage has been caused to the Greek economy for no purpose whatsoever. Tsipras is a much-diminished figure as a result of the events of the last two weeks, and ought to pay a heavy political price.

So what happens now? In theory, there is a chance that the euro group – the conclave of finance ministers from the single currency – could say that the Greek surrender is not yet abject enough. They could ask for still further punitive measures before recommending that Greece be allowed to remain part of the club.

That, though, is not going to happen. There is much political pressure, both internal and external, to keep the euro intact. Greece might only represent a tiny fraction of the European economy, but its departure from the single currency would symbolise the failure of the project and set a precedent. The US has been putting pressure on Angela Merkel and François Hollande to ensure there is no Grexit.

Greece will also get some debt relief. That’s not because the creditors think they owe Tsipras something. On the contrary, he has destroyed most of the goodwill that previously existed. But it is clear to everybody that Greece’s debt outlook is unsustainable and becoming more so. Debts are already 175% of gross domestic product and the economy is going backwards. Shutting the banks for a fortnight makes matters worse. Even the hardliners in Germany recognise that something must be done.

Debt relief, though, is unlikely to be generous enough to make much of a difference. Greece will stay in the euro but the tax increases and the wage cuts will not deliver the promised economic recovery. A third bailout package will be no more successful than the past two. When the next episode in the crisis arrives, as it will, Greeks will look back to the moment when their government had the choice between austerity and the euro and wonder whether it made the right one.
 
http://www.independent.ie/opinion/comment/expect-a-harder-default-for-greeks-and-less-democracy-for-the-rest-of-us-31368677.html

Expect a harder default for Greeks... and less democracy for the rest of us

Constantin Gurdgiev

With a whirlwind of deadlines, summits and presentations this week, the years-long saga of the Greek crisis has moved from one non-solution to another. Its latest iteration is the Athens-proposed Bailout 3.0 unveiled on Thursday night. For all the rhetoric surrounding its specifics, as well as the uncertainty of its adoption, two things are clear. One: for Europe and Greece, the cost of addressing the Greek insolvency is not going away. Two: the process of restructuring of the euro area institutions, launched in recent months in response to the latest flaring up of the Greek crisis, is here to stay as well.

The immediate problem with the latest set of proposals from the Greek government is the German-led, majority of the EU-supported, insistence on not allowing any upfront writedowns of debt.

Contrary to what we hear from Irish and other European leaders, the arithmetic of Greek debt is brutally simple. Athens's liabilities cannot be repaid, no matter what reforms are put in place. The Bailout 3.0 package simply means there will be more of the unrepayable debt to manage than before.

The IMF provided a clinical assessment of the situation in its recent report.

As noted by the Fund, failure to achieve 2014 fiscal objectives and the reduction in deficit targets for 2015-2016 means that Greece will require some €13bn in new funding through 2018. The collapsed banking sector made 2012-2015 privatisation plans infeasible, requiring €9bn more in financing. The economy in a free-fall and accumulation of government arrears add more problems. Per IMF estimates, even if Greece were to adopt all structural and austerity measures as outlined in the latest bailout plan, the country will still need to raise roughly €52bn in financing between October 2015 and December 2018. Crucially, the IMF assessment was based on the data through April-May 2015.

This week, the Greek government requested €53.5bn in new 'assistance', barely covering the IMF-estimated 2016-2018 funding gap. This leaves unaddressed economic and fiscal losses sustained over the last month and a half, and estimated at around €4bn. The request also leaves out repayments of debt maturing in July-September plus June arrears, amounting to over €15.6bn.

Neither do they cover recapitalisation costs of the insolvent banking system, nor the costs of dealing with banks' liabilities to the Eurosystem currently at €90bn and likely to rise in the short run. Even with savage deposits bail-ins, most likely to follow any agreement with the EU, Greece will need an additional €20-26bn in funding through 2018, on top of the requested €53.5bn.

Were Greece to receive new funds, its debt to GDP ratio will balloon to over 200pc in 2016-2017 - well beyond the worst case scenario projected by the IMF.
Currently, 67pc of Greek debt, or close to €234bn, is held by euro area institutions, excluding banks' own liabilities.
If the new Greek proposals are accepted, this is likely to reach over €300bn.

The mathematics of addressing the Greek crisis is ugly, one way or the other. The country is insolvent, its economy is incapable of financing current debts, let alone assuming new liabilities, and its people are voting loud and clear against Europe-imposed policies.
Which means that Greece will have to default even harder in the future.

The cost of avoiding Grexit now, without immediate writedowns of Greek debt, means setting ourselves up for another crisis in 2018-2020.
However, the Greek Bailout 3.0 costs reach beyond pure financial considerations.
One basic pillar on which the euro has been established is the young currency's credibility.
This credibility is, in part, anchored to the 'no exit' clause for the member states.

In part, it also rests on an implicit assumption that the states do not default on their international obligations.
Following last month's failure of the Greek government to repay June's €1.6bn IMF tranche, the second commitment is now 'soft' at best.

Come next week, Greece is risking a default on an additional €452m in IMF debt, as well as some ¥20bn worth of the 20-years-old Japanese-yen denominated debt.
On Tuesday night, the Eurogroup put a large question mark over the 'no exit' clause as well, by openly admitting that the EU Commission has prepared a detailed Grexit plan.

Thus, whether or not Greece stays in the euro is no longer material: the theory of inviolable euro membership has been bent and broken, for all to see.
Germany and France, as well as a handful of other 'core' members states, understand this. They also understand the imperative to shore up the rules system to regain credibility lost in the crisis.

This is precisely why, in recent weeks, we have witnessed a large-scale push for effective federalisation of the euro area.

The Juncker Plan, the Five Presidents Report, and a host of accompanying documents have outlined clearly a path toward a quasi-political and fiscal union for the eurozone.
Building on the crisis experience, the events of the last six months have provided an excuse for enhanced political and fiscal consolidation of Europe. This consolidation will start with creation of the EU Treasury, replete with its own autonomous powers of taxation.

The remit of Brussels over budgetary and economic policies of the member states will be expanded beyond the already egregious 6+2 Pack framework and the Fiscal Compact Treaty.

In the longer term (but before 2025), the process of reforms is bound to culminate in a creation of a federal tax system.
There is a certain inevitability to this development. The political trilemma of monetary economics postulates the incompatibility of independent monetary policy, free capital mobility and national democracy.

In simple terms, the euro area will, in the longer run, be forced to make a choice of only two of the three objectives above.
With free capital mobility being a cornerstone of the modern globalised economy, Europe's only choice is either preserving democratic institutions or preserving a Germany-dominated monetary policy independence.

No prizes for guessing where the Greek crisis is leading us to.
Irish Independent
 
it now looks like the finns and the hungarians and some of the other european members will refuse to go along with the ripoff anymore. i wonder if the finns just have not developed the guvment level corruption to the same level as the greeks where everyone and his uncle has a guvment job and gets guvment pension at 50. i wonder if the finns could even understand what it is like to lay about all day drinking and lounging about in the sun. it may be because the air is cold most of the year and they are so close to the earth that they developed a sense of self dependence that makes them resistant to getting paid off with a guvment job to support the guvment and their union benefits. thank god the communist party will be held responsible for this and maybe eventually they will be totally eliminated from the greek guvment. the poor greeks can only hope the communists will leave power without giving the country to putin. what tsipras and his cronie did to greece is a crime. now they will be back to burning down the banks and the poor people who work in them next week.

>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>

Eurogroup ends meeting with no agreement, will reconvene Sunday
By Ellie Ismailidou
Published: July 11, 2015 6:15 p.m. ET

Eurozone's finance ministers ended a marathon session with no agreement on Greece's latest reform proposal late Saturday night, ahead of Sunday's summit of Eurozone's leaders. The major point of resistance came from Finland, whose government appeared unwilling to support any new bailout funding for Greece, according to reports from the Finnish media. The Eurogroup of finance ministers failed to even to put together a common statement, and was considering, according to Italian newspaper La Stampa, drafting two options - one with the Finns and one without. On Sunday, the Finnish government would either yield to the eurozone's pressure and agree to a Greek bailout or a specific European Stability Mechanism emergency clause could be activated, which enables the ESM to grant financial assistance with only 85% of the votes. Finnish newspaper Kauppalehti also reported a third scenario, namely that the Finnish coalition government led by the right-wing True Finns party could be broken up. Meanwhile, the Guardian reported that Italy was ready to take a stance and demand that Germany hammer out an agreement with Greece. Earlier on Saturday, German media reported that Germany's finance ministry floated a document that outlined a temporary five-year Grexit from the euro, but not from the European Union. Eurozone leaders have demanded tougher reforms from Greece in exchange of what is now calculated at a potential new bailout of €74 billion ($82.55 billion).
 
Meeting on Greece Debt Breaks Up With No Deal

BRUSSELS — A meeting of European finance ministers broke up late Saturday with no agreement on whether Greece should be granted its third bailout since 2010, reflecting deep divides over whether the Athens government can be trusted to repay huge new loans and leaving the Continent hours from what could be a historic rupture.

The finance ministers planned to reconvene on Sunday, just before European national leaders are scheduled to meet in Brussels for what they have said would be a final decision on whether Greece should qualify for a new aid package, a step aimed at determining whether the country can remain in the euro currency union.

The failure by the finance ministers to reach an agreement, after nearly nine hours of talks, belied the optimism that followed the approval early Saturday by the Greek Parliament of a package of pension cuts, higher taxes and other policy changes long sought by Greece’s international creditors. In a remarkable turnabout, Prime Minister Alexis Tsipras had pushed the package through the legislature despite having led his country into a referendum six days earlier that overwhelmingly rejected much the same terms.

Despite Greece’s capitulation on those terms, many countries came into this weekend’s final round of negotiations skeptical of the Tsipras government’s commitment to seeing through the changes and putting his country on firmer financial footing — and weary of the constant brinkmanship that has characterized the months of negotiations over Greece’s latest crisis.

Instead of working through the night to hammer out a statement on requirements for Greece, as had been expected, the meeting was suddenly called off shortly before midnight, and ministers left without even holding a formal news conference.

“The issue of credibility and trust was discussed, and also of course the financial issues involved,” Jeroen Dijsselbloem of the Netherlands, the head of the so-called Eurogroup of ministers, told reporters. “It is still very difficult. but work is still in progress,” he said, adding that discussions would continue later Sunday morning.

From the start, it was clear that Mr. Tsipras’s gambit had not entirely won over Germany and other countries that have been skeptical about giving a new round of loans to Greece after years in which successive governments in Athens have struggled to carry out changes that creditors have demanded as a condition of the bailouts.

“We will have exceptionally difficult negotiations,” Wolfgang Schäuble, the hard-nosed German finance minister, said on Saturday before the meeting. “We won’t be able to rely on promises.”

His prediction proved accurate, as he and fellow ministers wrangled with little apparent progress, seeking more assurances from Greece that it was committed to changing its ways, and weighing the desires of France and Italy for a deal against the more skeptical stance of Germany and the possibility of outright opposition from Finland.

During their talks, the finance ministers called on their Greek counterpart, Euclid Tsakalotos, to put the package proposed by his government into swift effect to prove its willingness to make deep and lasting changes to the nation’s faltering economy. Greece, in turn, continued to seek some assurance that it would win the right to renegotiate the terms of its debt repayment.

It was not clear that the finance ministers’ meeting on Sunday morning would yield a consensus about how to proceed, increasing the possibility that they would leave final decisions to their national leaders, who are to gather in Brussels in the afternoon.

“I am still hopeful,” Pierre Moscovici, the European commissioner for economic affairs, told reporters as he left the Eurogroup meeting.

In an apparent effort to raise the pressure on Greece, some officials earlier in the day were informally passing around a one-page position paper, reportedly drawn up by the German finance ministry as a possible option for the negotiations, saying the Greek proposal fell short and suggesting options that included ideas like having the country leave the eurozone for five years and reapply for membership.

The idea of a break from the euro was not openly discussed at the meeting, according to one of the officials with direct knowledge of the talks, who like others spoke on the condition of anonymity because the discussions were private.

Mr. Schäuble, however, referred repeatedly to a plan drafted by German officials that would require Athens to transfer state assets into a trust fund to pay down its debt in order to stay in the eurozone, according to two people with direct knowledge of the discussions. Mr. Schäuble did not refer explicitly to the idea of a temporary Greek departure from the eurozone, these people said. But the tough approach by the German minister, they said, appeared designed to make clear that he now favors a Greek exit.

The European leaders have set this weekend as a deadline for settling the issue of whether to keep Greece solvent or cut off further aid, a step that would almost certainly result in forcing Athens to abandon the euro.

An exit by Greece would be a blow to Europe’s goal of ever-closer integration.

Greece’s banks are teetering on insolvency, the government is running out of cash to meet day-to-day obligations, and without an infusion, additional payments to international creditors will be missed in coming weeks.

Experts who reviewed Greece’s request for a third bailout program informed Eurogroup ministers that about €74 billion is needed to cover its financing needs for the next three years, according to a person with direct knowledge of the experts’ findings. That is far more than the €53.5 billion, or about $59 billion, that Athens has requested.

If loans for Greece are eventually approved, the majority will probably be covered by a new loan from the European Stability Mechanism, the European bailout fund. Other sources could include loans from the International Monetary Fund, funds raised through Greek government revenue and, eventually, new debt issued by Greece.

That discrepancy between what Greece had requested and the new estimate of its bailout needs may have further reinforced the doubts of those who wonder if the Greek government has a handle on its finances and will be able to carry out promised changes.

“Many governments — mine, too — have serious concerns about the commitment of the Greek government,” the Dutch state secretary for finance, Eric Wiebes, told reporters in Brussels before Saturday’s meeting. “After all, we are discussing a proposal from the Greek government that was fiercely rejected less than a week ago, and that is a serious concern.”

While no signed bailout deal was expected this weekend, the question is whether Europe will decide to continue negotiating a rescue with Greece, or leave its banks to collapse and its virtually bankrupt government to default. European leaders have said their Sunday evening meeting could be used to reach that decision.

The fear of Greece and its supporters, which include the French government, is that without an agreement to continue negotiations, Greek banks could collapse next week, raising the prospect that the country would quickly have to abandon the euro.

Mr. Moscovici, the European economic affairs commissioner who is a former finance minister of France, said as he entered Saturday’s meeting that the “Greek government has made significant gestures.” He said the Greek proposals form “a basis for a new program” of loans.

Before the meeting, the finance ministers received assessments of the Tsipras plan by experts representing the creditors.

“The papers of the Greek authorities contain positive elements, issues where clarification is needed, and some issues where the institutions wish to see stronger commitment to reform,” said a person with direct knowledge of experts’ findings. But this person also warned: “Negotiations will be tough. The chances for a deal are 50-50.”

The Eurogroup, with its 19 eurozone finance ministers, has some outspoken critics of Greece, irritated by the Tsipras government’s negotiating style and Mr. Tsipras’s decision the week before last to break off negotiations and call for the referendum. Mr. Tsipras surprised many in his own country and party on Thursday when he presented a plan containing many of the elements — including austerity measures — that the voters had just rejected by a wide margin.

The creditors now want strong evidence that Greece will honor its latest set of economic promises if it gets the new loans it is seeking, and an agreement to ease the burden of its current debt, which at €317 billion is equivalent to 177 percent of the country’s gross domestic product. By that measure, only Japan’s debt, at 245 percent, is higher among the world’s economies.

>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>

now tsipras and his cronie varoufuckyouupus can finally bear the burden of destroying their country's chance to stabilize the finances of the guvment until they were forced from power. it is now all over except for the firebombing and riots in the streets.
 
Since his successful book, “Capital in the Twenty-First Century,” the Frenchman Thomas Piketty has been considered one of the most influential economists in the world. His argument for the redistribution of income and wealth launched a worldwide discussion. In a interview with George Blume of DIE ZEIT, he gives his clear opinions on the European debt debate.

Piketty: "Germany Has Never Repaid Its Debts; It Has No Standing To Lecture Other Nations"
ZEIT: But shouldn’t they repay their debts?

Piketty: My book recounts the history of income and wealth, including that of nations. What struck me while I was writing is that Germany is really the single best example of a country that, throughout its history, has never repaid its external debt. Neither after the First nor the Second World War. However, it has frequently made other nations pay up, such as after the Franco-Prussian War of 1870, when it demanded massive reparations from France and indeed received them. The French state suffered for decades under this debt. The history of public debt is full of irony. It rarely follows our ideas of order and justice...

... Piketty: When I hear the Germans say that they maintain a very moral stance about debt and strongly believe that debts must be repaid, then I think: what a huge joke! Germany is the country that has never repaid its debts. It has no standing to lecture other nations.

...ZEIT: So you’re telling us that the German Wirtschaftswunder [“economic miracle”] was based on the same kind of debt relief that we deny Greece today?

Piketty: Exactly. After the war ended in 1945, Germany’s debt amounted to over 200% of its GDP. Ten years later, little of that remained: public debt was less than 20% of GDP. Around the same time, France managed a similarly artful turnaround. We never would have managed this unbelievably fast reduction in debt through the fiscal discipline that we today recommend to Greece. Instead, both of our states employed the second method with the three components that I mentioned, including debt relief. Think about the London Debt Agreement of 1953, where 60% of German foreign debt was cancelled and its internal debts were restructured.
Ouch! Blistering.

Greece needs to do more to start third bailout talks - Eurogroup draft
... “The Eurogroup... came to the conclusion that there is not yet the basis to start the negotiations on a new programme,” the draft statement, seen by Reuters, said.

To begin such talks, the ministers would first want Greece to improve its VAT and pension systems, broaden its tax base to boost revenues and strengthen the independence of ELSTAT, the Greek statistics agency....
Two ways out of the Eurozone for Greece: They can leave by not striking a new deal, or they can get kicked out by a deal not being offered. Consequences would be the same either way.
 
tsipras is so full of himself and unable to accept the reality of what he has done by refusing to negotiate in good faith. may he burn in hell for what the greek people will have to endure because of his failure to lead:

>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>wsj

BRUSSELS — Eurozone leaders gathered on Sunday to attempt to reach an agreement on a Greek bailout, after finance ministers demanded the Greek parliament start implementing unpopular overhauls and cuts before they take a decision on new rescue loans.

“I am here, ready for an honest compromise,” Greek Prime Minister Alexis Tsipras said on his way into the leaders’ summit. “We can reach an agreement tonight if all the parties want it.”

German Chancellor Angela Merkel said finance ministers won’t recommend starting negotiations for a bailout immediately, warning that a deal on Greece wouldn’t be made “at all costs.”

“The most important currency has been lost and that is trust,” Merkel said.

Finance ministers from the currency area convened earlier in the day, and discussed a draft statement that contains a “timeout” for Greece from the eurozone as a potential option, two European officials said Sunday. The statement, which may still change, will form the basis for crisis talks of eurozone leaders later Sunday, these officials said.

The statement says that “in case no agreement [on a new bailout program] could be reached, Greece should be offered swift negotiations on a timeout from the euro area, with possible debt restructuring,” one official said. The sentence is still in brackets, indicating that it doesn’t have the backing of all 19 eurozone countries.

However, French President François Hollande later said, “There is no temporary Grexit. There is only Grexit or not Grexit.”

An expanded version of this article appears at WSJ.com.
 
Debt based fiat monetary system plus huge government not doing so well in yet another country.. more news a 11 :lol:
 
The Guardian, 12-July-15: Greek crisis: surrender fiscal sovereignty in return for bailout, Merkel tells Tsipras
European leaders have confronted the Greek government with a draconian package of austerity measures entailing a surrender of fiscal sovereignty as the price of avoiding financial collapse and being ejected from the single currency bloc....
...what a senior EU official described as an “exercise in extensive mental waterboarding” to secure Greek acquiescence.... described as “utter blackmail” by leading party members and met with disbelief.
Noooooo....... DON"T DO IT Tsipras! Leave the Eurozone and don't look back.
“Germany’s responsibility is great. It’s about not conjuring up the ghosts of the past,” he told German newspaper Süddeutsche Zeitung. “If Germany goes for Grexit, it will trigger a deep conflict with France. That would be a catastrophe for Europe...
.... The German news magazine Der Spiegel called Sunday the biggest day of Merkel’s 10-year chancellorship and appealed to her to “show greatness” and save Europe. ”
Exactly. And just to keep the record here straight, its Merkel who is obstructing progress, not Tsipras.
 
now the eurozone members are demanding that greece actually pass a law by wednesday to curtail the pension giveaway and to increase sales taxes before the eurozone members will continue negotiations.

since tsipras does not have the courage to do this he will fall back on the party line of germans who stole their gold during WW2 or maybe it was WW1 when the germans stole their gold.

whatever, but now it is all over except for the suicides and desperate poverty and flood of greeks moving abroad.

before tsipras did this referendum stupidity the money needed to keep greece afloat was only $55 billion but now since the banks are destroyed by capital controls the amount needed has jumped to $96 billion and i doubt if the greeks can ever remove capital controls from the banks ever again. this is why everybody in europe recognizes it is now just wasted money flushed down the drain.

>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>wsj

BRUSSELS—The eurozone edged closer to a new bailout deal for Greece, but the agreement considered by European leaders meeting here Sunday would require almost complete surrender of the government of Prime Minister Alexis Tsipras to creditors’ demands.

A statement prepared by the currency union’s finance ministers ahead of the summit and seen by The Wall Street Journal said negotiations on a new rescue could only start once the Parliament in Athens had passed pension overhauls and sales-tax increases, along with further financial-policy measures.

The parliamentary votes would have to happen by Wednesday, according to the statement, which foresaw Greece’s financing needs rising to as much EUR86 billion ($96 billion), up from EUR74 billion estimated by the institutions representing Greece’s creditors on Saturday.

The statement from ministers was intended to serve as the basis of discussions for the leaders’ talks.

Despite the progress in talks on Sunday, Greece’s future in Europe’s currency union still hangs in the balance. In case no deal can be reached, the statement suggested that “Greece should be offered swift negotiations on a timeout from the euro area.”

While that sentence remained in brackets—a sign that it wasn’t backed by all 19 finance ministers—it made clear what was at stake in negotiations here.

Passing the measures through Greece’s Parliament could split Tsipras’s left-wing Syriza party, which in turn could trigger fresh elections. And there was no answer yet on how Greece would make a EUR4.2-billion interest and bond payment to the European Central Bank that is due July 20.

The level of detail in the ministers’ four-page statement underlined how much political goodwill Greece and Mr. Tsipras have lost during more than five months of often-acrimonious discussions.

“The most important currency has been lost, and that is trust,” German Chancellor Angela Merkel said as she arrived for the summit. A deal to keep Greece in the currency union wouldn’t be made “at all costs,” she warned.

An expanded version of this report appears at WSJ.com
 
It took 17 hours and no sleep on Sunday for the eurozone’s political leaders to reach an 11th hour reform-for-aid deal on Greece on Monday, staving off a Greek exit from the currency union for now.

But to seal the crucial “aGreekment” — the name given by European Council head Donald Tusk — Greek Prime Minister Alexis Tsipras had to sign off on tough austerity measures and fiscal reforms. In what’s being seen as a capitulation, Greece’s negotiators agreed to a list of measures even stricter than those rejected by the country’s voters in last weekend’s referendum. These will have to be approved by Greek lawmakers, as well as by other European parliaments, before a formal bailout decision can be made.

In return, eurozone leaders said they will give Greece up to 86 billion euros ($96 billion) in new bailout aid, on condition that Tsipras manages to implement these measures. Here are the key reforms required, from a full list released by the Euro Summit of eurozone leaders.

By July 15, Greece should:

— Streamline its VAT system and broaden the tax base to increase revenue

— Implement upfront measures to improve long-term sustainability of the pension system as part of a comprehensive pension reform program

— Safeguard the full legal independence of ELSTAT, Greece’s statistics office

By July 22, Greece should:

— Adopt the Code of Civil Procedure, which is a major overhaul of procedures for the civil justice system, aimed at significantly accelerating the judicial process and reducing costs

— Implement the EU Bank Recovery and Resolution Directive, the BRRD, with support from the European Commission

Additionally, Greece’s reform measures need to be “seriously strengthened to take into account the strongly deteriorated economic and fiscal position of the country during the last year,” eurozone leaders said in the statement.

That means Greece will need to:

— Carry out ambitious pension reforms

— Adopt ambitious product-market reforms, including changes to Sunday trade, sales periods, pharmacy ownership and reforms for bakeries

— Continue with the privatization of the electricity transmission network operator (ADMIE)

— Undertake rigorous reviews of the labor markets and the process for holding strikes. On the basis of these reviews, labor-market policies should be aligned with European practices and not return to previous policies, which “are not compatible with the goals of promoting sustainable and inclusive growth”

— Strengthen the financial sector, in particular by eliminating political interference

On top of that, the Greek authorities need to:

— Scale up privatization efforts. Valuable Greek assets will be transferred to an independent fund and the monetization of those assets will become a source to pay down debt. Total value of the fund is expected to be around 50 billion euros. €25 billion will be used to recapitalize Greek banks, approximately €12.5 billion will be used for decreasing debt-to-GDP ratio, while the remaining €12.5 billion be used for investments in Greece

— Modernize the Greek administration system to reduce costs

— Allow the lender institutions to work on the ground in Athens to assess progress in implementing the reforms. The Greek government will need to agree with the creditor institutions before submitting legislation to parliament
 
The fissures exposed between, and within, the warring groups of eurozone debtors and creditors are the widest and deepest in the past 5 1/2 years of turbulence over the single currency. The gloomy predictions of the late German-British sociologist Ralf Dahrendorf, who said before it started in 1999 that economic and monetary union would split rather than unite Europe, have become reality.

Angela Merkel, the German chancellor, has found herself under simultaneous attack over Greece from Germany’s traditional allies the U.S. and France — pleading for a more lenient line on Athens — as well as from hostile elements in her own conservative parties calling for the opposite.

The marathon talks painfully exposes the impossibility of a deal that would satisfy both creditors and debtors. The euro members have had to choose between several sets of unpleasant results.

Several “worst-case” outcomes are still possible, including the fall of the government of Alexis Tsipras and the calling of new elections in Athens; the introduction of a parallel Greek currency (backed by the remaining reserves of the heavily borrowed Bank of Greece, which are quite considerable if loans are not paid back); and Greek departure from (or suspension within) the euro.

Another result, if things go badly, would be the break-up of other European governments (including the German one). And that is not to mention the various unsettling geopolitical consequences of a Greek eurozone departure, including an intensified “arc of crisis” linking Ukraine to the Balkans to the storm-tossed countries of Syria and Iraq.

The accord unveiled today imposes harsh terms on Greece, turning the country practically into a vassal of the European Union.
The multilateral rifts within the creditors have been laid bare by French and Italian insistence (backed by Spain and Luxembourg) that Greece should be rescued. There are three reasons behind this: to salvage a semblance of European unity from the shambles of the past few weeks; to force a climbdown from German insistence on austerity over everything else; and to ward off the danger that the European monetary union (EMU), in losing Greece, would become more exposed to financial assault on vulnerable and much larger members.

Yanis Varoufakis, the firebrand former Greek finance minister who resigned a week ago, has made way in the ministerial chamber for his quieter former colleague Euclid Tsakalotos. But he has been stoking the flames from the sidelines with weekend allegations that Germany has wished to bring Greece to heel to discipline France.

Varoufakis’ claims, underlining that Greece is both a pawn and a buffer in long-running monetary warfare between Germany and France, do not tell the whole story, but are based partly on first-hand experience. The ultimate fault line in the EMU edifice runs between Paris and Berlin.

The accord unveiled this morning in Brussels imposes harsh terms on Greece, turning the country practically into a vassal of the European Union, unwinding most of the election promises of the Syriza government that came to power in January and signalling its ritual humiliation. Whether the terms are politically acceptable to a restive Greek parliament and whether they can be implemented are important, but perhaps not the most relevant, questions.

Even if the Athens parliament does approve higher taxes, reforms to pensions and labor markets, a return of the troika and much more vigorous privatization including quasi-sequestration of state assets, it is unlikely that the package will generate the growth and debt sustainability that Greece and its creditors badly need. The Greek prime minister failed to get the early pledge of debt relief that Athens insiders believed was the minimum to gain parliamentary acquiescence.

The convoluted, confused negotiations between Greece and its partners reflect the reality that different groups have been talking at cross purposes for the past month. The amount of money at stake, the length of time of any further Greek subjugation to its creditors and the degree of political sovereignty being jettisoned or fused have all greatly increased in the past few weeks.

The Greek electorate in the July 5 referendum said “no” to a set of creditors’ terms for a relatively small extension of bailout money (7.2 billion euros) due to have been disbursed by the end of June. The volume now being requested is 12 times bigger — 82 billion to 86 billion euros, including money for recapitalizing Greek banks hard hit by dislocation. So the creditors’ conditions are far more onerous, and are far less likely to be met in any satisfactory way.

We have been here before. The developments of the past few days are reminiscent of the great monetary skirmishes of November 1968, the first act in 30 years of currency attrition centered on the Deutsche mark and French franc that ended in 1999 with the subsuming of both currencies into the EMU. Despite furious pressure from the French, Americans and British, the Germans refused to revalue the mark, and instead, Bonn decided on a package of border taxes to make imports cheaper and exports more expensive, claiming that this was a more flexible method of countering currency inflows. The Brussels debacle has, however, been on a far grander scale and the fractures unveiled more powerful.

One of the drawbacks for non-EMU countries like the U.K., it was said in 1998-99, was that they would not be allowed to take part in important meetings on the future of Europe where participation would be limited to euro members only. After weeks of unedifying summit gatherings in Brussels, the reluctance to sign up for the euro by non-members — relatively untroubled countries such as Sweden, Denmark, Poland and the Czech Republic as well as the U.K. — can only have increased. The abiding impression of the past few weeks’ squabbles is that EMU has developed into a permanent source of divisiveness.
 
S3EauKQ.jpg


It seems the Troika are having a hard time dealing with the fact that they loaned far too much money on far too risky a client - sound familiar? I think it's from the Banker's Playbook on Populace Stranglehold, page 32. Well, at least we can have a repeat of the events in a year or two in time for the next default, of course after some fat cats make some money gutting public infrastructure for profit. Ah, the spoils of economic war!
 
Just build a longer road to kick the can down. Problem solved. Then you can pretend that the citizens are going to get what you stole from them back, eventually.
 
kd8cgo, I was wondering what the hell the EU were playing at lending more money that Greece could never repay. Asset-stripping the country was the missing piece of the puzzle.

http://trueeconomics.blogspot.ie/2015/07/13715-promise-of-deal-actual-surrender.html

13/7/15: A Promise of a Deal = An Actual Surrender
Posted by Constantin Gurdgiev

So we finally have a 'historic' agreement on Greece. You know the details:

Tsipras surrendered on everything, except one thing.
One thing Tsipras 'won' is that the assets fund (to hold Greek Government assets in an escrow for Institutions to claim in case of default) will be based in Greece (as opposed to Luxembourg), managed still by Troika (it remains to be seen under which law).
IMF is in and is expected to have a new agreement with Greece past March 2016 when the current one runs out. So not a lollipop for Tsipras to bring home.
All conditionalities are front-loaded to precede the bailout funding and Wednesday deadline for passing these into law is confirmed.
Bloomberg summed it up perfectly in this headline: EU Demands Complete Capitulation From Tsipras.

Remember, Tsipras went into the last round of negotiations with the following demands:

Source: @Tom_Nuttall

And that was after he surrendered on Vat, Islands, pensions, corporation tax - all red line items for him during the referendum.

Reality of the outcome turned out to be actually worse.

The new 'deal' involves a large quantum of debt (EUR86 billion, well in excess of Greek Government request from the ESM) and the banks bailout funding requirement has just been hiked from EUR10-25 billion to 'up to EUR50 billion', presumably to allow for some reductions in ELA.

The new 'deal' only promises to examine debt sustainability issue. There are no writedowns, although Angela Merkel did mention that the plan does not rule out possible maturities extensions and repayment grace period extensions. This, simply, is unlikely to be enough.

The 'deal' still requires approval of the national parliaments. Which can be tricky. Here is the table of ESM capital subscriptions by funding nation:



Tsipras also lost on all fronts when it comes to privatisations. In fact, even if the future Government lags on these, the EU can now effectively cease control over the assets in the fund and sell these / monetise to the fund itself. Not sure as per modalities of this, but...

Detailed privatisation targets are to be re-set. Let's hope they will be somewhat more realistic (home hardly justified in the context of the new 'deal'):



To achieve this, EU had to literally blackmail Tsipras by rumour and demands:


Source: @TheStalwart


Source: @Frances_Coppola

And so the road to the can kicking (not even resolution) is still arduous:

Source: @katie_martin_fxs

My view: the crisis has not gone away for three reasons:
Short-term, we are likely to see new elections in Greece prior to the end of 2015;
We are also likely to see more disagreements between the euro states and Greece on modalities of the programme; and
Crucially, over the medium term, the new 'deal' is simply not addressing the key problem - debt sustainability.
For the fifth year in a row, EU opts for kicking the same can down the same road.
 
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